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CIVIC IDEALS AND MODERN INSTITUTIONS
A Six-Session Study Guide
Ed Schwartz
1974
I PREMISE
In increasing numbers ~Americans are beginning to question whether
our institutions are living up to the historic ideals of the
nation. Watergate has heightened interest in this question but
the concern goes far deeper than the behavior of any one President
during any one four year period Since World War II, we have
come to question the major premises of modern society itself: that
abundance can buy happiness; that technology and industrial
growth automatically guarantees progress. Powerful minorities
have demanded a fair share of the existing wealth andpower, only
to discover how difficult it is for our institutions to respond
to moral demands. Environmentalists now tell us that an
abundance based on the destruction of the earth's natural
resources will vanish before we know it.Already, we experience
shortages of food and fuel and inflation has become the major
problem of all industrial nations.
How can we recover our respect for high values? How can we
rebuild strong communities and institutions through which high
values can be reinforced and applied? These arecritical questions
facing us, yet few people are trying to answer them. Modern
ideologies treat values either as extensions of the private
interests of conflicting groups, or as subjective consciousness
concealing a materialist dialectic of history, or as the public
expression of private emotional needs. In each case,
the notion of studying values as ends in themselves--as ideals
which direct life, rather than merelv reflect it- is
ruled out. No wonder that people have lost touch with the meaning
of words hke 'Justice" or "equality" or "democracy." Where would
we learn them?
The Institute for the Study of Civic Values believes that to
ignore the impact of traditional values on everyday life is to
cut oneself off from human life itself. Human beings are
distinguished from other animals primarily in our capacity to
imagine---in our ability to construct alternatives to the world as
we see it and live it. If artists can portray idealized images of
the natural world, then why shouldn't citizens seek to create
idealized images of the communities in which they live--and try
to stick by them. Statesmen of the 18th Century didn't include
words like "equality" and "justice" in our basic documents without
reason They expected these concepts to become our modus
operandi--our reason for existence as a people.
These sessions we have developed, therefore, are designed to
explore the relationship between civic ideals and the institutions
of society today The first three sessions explore first, the
relationship between high values and both continuity and change in
society; then the importance of common values in sustaining a
political community; finally, the significance of the value of
equality in permitting any common values at a1l in a democratic
society.
Sessions four through six examine the gap between these ideals
and the practices of three basic American institutions-the
political parties, the schools, and churches. Our aim is not to
expose institutional "hypocrisy" as an end in itself. Surely we
have seen enough of that in recent years. We aim, rather, to
examine what these institutions ought to be doing-and how they
might do it.
SESSION I PATRIOTISM, AND SOCIAL CHANGE
In recent years the concepts of "patriotism" and "change" have
been pontrayed as opposites. We hear from conservatives that
patriotic citizens are supposed to support the country no matter
what it does Conversely, some activists of the 60's came to
believe that the only way to express their true feelings about the
Indochina War was to burn the flag. Either way, the notion of
loyalty to the best intentions of the nation has been lost.
The essays by John Schaar and G. K. Chesterton explore the
relationship between continuing principles and both patriotism and
change. Schaar argues that American patriotism has always been a
convenanted patriotism, demanding that citizens measure the nation
in accordance with the principles set forth in the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution. Chesterton demonstratesthat a
continuing body of ideals is critical to the legitimacy of every
movement demanding institutional change. Together, they make the
basic argument that the study group will explore in detail.
Questions for Discussion:
1. List as many ideas that you hold that would be considered
continuing ideas-that is, that you have learned as part of the set
of principles you share as an American with other citizens.
2. Which ideas embodied in the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution are shared most widely today? Which ideas have had
trouble surviving?
3. Can you think of areas where Americans, individually or
collectively, have restrained their lust for power over one
another or over other countries because of continuing civic or
religious values? Would movements for change in this country since
World War II have been heard at all were it not for the country's
presumed commitment to "liberty and justice for all?"
4. Schaar speaks of a "natural patriotism" which develops when
people grow attached to where they live. Do you believe that this
is a natual human tendency? Is it a good tendency? If patriotism
is waning today, what is taking its place? On what basis might
disenchanted Americans reclaim a sense of pride in the country?
Readings
"The Case for Patriotism," by John Schaar, in Nev American Review
#17, Bantam, pp. 59-99.
"The Eternal Revolution," from Orthodoxy, G. K. Chesterton,
Dodd-Mead, pp. 192-214.
SESSION 11: TRADITIONAL VALUES AND COMMUNITY
This session expands the argument developed in the first
by emphasizing the relationship between ideals and the
preservation of specific local communities. As John Schaar
puts it, "political community is possible only under a
couple of prior conditions, where first of all men are bound
together by a common reverence for the same conception
of justice and of virtue. And secondly these tables of
justice and of virtue must be based in divine origin, must
be hallowed by tradition, and must be enforced by the laws
and the institutions." For a community to endure, more-
over, it must be small enough for its members to know and
identify with one another personally. The articles in this
session elaborate on these basic premises.
Questions for Discussion:
1. The pieces by Schwartz, McWilliams, and Schaar aim at
developing a statement of the preconditions of political
community. Think of a least one situation where you have
attempted to create community unsuccessfully. Which of
the preconditions listed above were missing?
2. Are Schaar's preconditions for political community too
demanding? Is political community possible without ful-
filling all of them?
3. The selections from Plato, Rousseau, and Montesquieu
all contend that genuine political community is possible
only over a relatively small territory. Do you agree? If
you do, do you believe that the creation of political com-
munity in the United States today is possible? If you
don't, on what terms might political community be possible
in the United States?
4. We talked about the importance of values in sustaining
and defining specific nations in the first nation. Can
high ideals like justice and equality be sustained without
specific communities through which people can interpret and
reinforce them?
Readings:
Jean Jacques Rousseau, Social Contract, Chaps. V-VIII
Unpublished Dialogue between Edward Schwartz, W.
Carey McWilliams, and John Schaar on "Community."
(Available through the Institute for the Study of Civic
Values)
Plato, Laws, Book V, pp. 357-359, Loeb Classical Library
Jean Jacques Rousseau, Social Contract, Chapter Vlll-
lX
Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, p. 110 (Hafner Edition)
SESSION 111: TRADITIONAL VALUES AND CIVIC EQUALITY
This session applies the premises of the first two by
showing how America's historic commitment to equality
has influenced movements for change throughout our his-
tory and helped define our common ideology.
Questions for Discussion:
1. Before reading G. K. Chesterton, make a brief note on
what you would mean by the statement, "I'm fighting
for equality." Then read the article. How close does your
conception of equality come to Chesterton's? Is there ans
difference?
2. Chesterton discusses equality as if most Americans
shared his conception of it. Do they? Who would be most
likely to accept it? Who would be least likely? Who might
accept it as a standard, but say that it is too difficult to
achieve?
3. In what way does Chesterton try to bolster the appeal
to a tradition of equality with an argument based on the
natural condition of human beings? Is this a persuasive
argument?
4. Try to list all the changes that would have to occur were
Chesterton's conception of equality to be taken seriously. Is his
conception of equality adequate to the changes that you
would like to see?
5. Now read the speeches. Make a note of the passages
where explicit appeals to civic values or civic documents
are made. Are these appeals essential to the speaker's
arguments-that is, does the speaker say, "We must change because
these civic traditions demand it?" Or does he/she say, "We must
change because it is right and our civic traditions demand it?"
Could you remove the appeal to civic tradition without harming the
speech?
6. In the speeches, what is the conception of equality
discussed? In which speeches is the group asked to fight
for equality in order to redress the private grievances of a
dispossessed group? In which speeches does the speaker
demand that a group should be included in the community
of citizens? In which speeches is the appeal to equality
made in order to expand or at least preserve the relative
worth of a member or members of the community of
citizens? In which speeches does the appeal to equality
serve both purposes?
Readings:
G. K. Chesterton, "What is America," from What I Saw
In America, in The Man Who Was Chesterton, Doubleday
Image Books, pp . 131 -135.
Speeches: A Treasury of the World 's Great Speeches,
Houston Peterson, Ed.,
Frederick Douglass, July 4th Address, July 4, 1852,
p. 477.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Keynote, First Women's Rights
Convention, p. 388
William Jennings Bryan, "Cross of Gold," July 8, 1896,
p. 637
Martin Luther King, "I Have A Dream,"Aug. 28, 1963,
SESSION IV: CIVIC IDEALS AND POLITICAL PARTIES
Recent public opinion polls have shown that many citizens now
believe that neither political party adheres to a system of ideals
worthy of support. This session will examine the values fostered
by each of the political parties and whether electoral politics
today lives up to the historic ideals of the country as we have
discussed them.
Questions for Discussion:
1. What, in general, is your reaction to Schaar's arguments
for political involvement? Are they persuasive? Are they
sufficient?
2. Does the debate between Roosevelt and Hoover persist
in political life today, or has a new era replaced it? Is
there any serious difference between the principles of
the two parties in the 20's and 30's and the principles they
claim to hold now?
3. Do these rhetorical debates really matter, or do poli-
ticians do pretty much the same thing when they get
into office, no matter what they say they believe? If you
think that there are real differences between the two ma-
jor parties, be prepared to defend your thesis. If you think
that both parties agree on all important matters, give evi-
dence.
4. Does the debate between the regulars and the reformers
at the turn of the century correspond to the samc debate
today? What are the common elements? What are the
differences?
5. How would you compare the reform movements of to-
day with the Progressive Party Platform of 1912?
6. Is either political party closer to thc principles of the
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution than the
other? Which one seems closer to you and why? Does
either political party live up to your understanding of what
the principles of justice, democracy, and community might
require of America? Where do they fulfill these principles,
and where do they fall short-if at all?
Readings:
John Schaar, "Power and Purity," in New American Review
#19, New York, Bantam, 1974
Political Theses:
The Republican Thesis: Calvin Coolidge, "Our Heritage from
Hamilton," January 11, 1922, in Albert Fried, ed., T/ve
Jeffersonian and 11amiltonian Tradition in American Politics,
Doublcday Anchor Books, p. 370.
The National Democratic Thesis: Franklin D. Roosevelt's
Commonwealth Club Speech, Sept. 23rd, 1932, in Fried, p. 401.
The Democratic Machine Thesis: "Honest Graft and Dishonest Graft,"
"Hold Your District and Act Accordin'," and "Ingratitude in
Politics," from Plunkitt of Tammany Hall pp. 3-6, 25-28.
The Progressive Reform Thesis: The Progressive Party Platform of
1912, Fried, p. 337.
Political Attacks
Republicans on Democrats: Herbert Hoover, "Dangers from
Centralization and Bureaucracy," Feb-ruary 12, 1931, Fried, p.
395.
Democrats on Republicans: Franklin D. Roosevelt's
Second Inaugural Address, June 27, 1936, in Fried,
p. 448.
Democratic Regulars on Refbrnzers Plunkitt, "Re-
formers Only Mornin' Glories," and, "The Curse of
Civil Service Reform," pp. 17-20, 33-36.
Reformers on Democratic Regulars: Robert M. La-
Follette, "Menace of the Machine," February 22,
1897, p. 321.
SESSION V: CIVIC IDEALS AND EDUCATION
"More education," has been the country's prescription for
most of its social problems. Today, however, many people
are losing faith that schools can create useful citizens.
What values do most schools promote? How do they relate
to America's civic ideals7 What kind of education would
contribute to civic idealism among young people? The
readings focus both on theories of moral and civic educ-
ation as well as criticism of American education today.
Questions for Discussion:
1. The assumption of Plato, Rousseau, and Buber is that
education must aim at developing just or virtuous citizens.
Do you agree with this aim of education? Or should
education aim merely at teaching people how to think
critically?
2. Do you feel that schools today take seriously the
pedagogical principles outlined in Rousseau's Emile and
Buber's essay "On Education?" Do you believe these
principles to be good ones?
3. One strong movement for educational reform has urged
schools to liberate students from institutional restraints in
order to nurture their natural creativity. Is the objective of
this movement consistent or contradictory with the prin-
ciples of Plato, Rousseau, and Buber? What would they say
about it?
4. Would Plato, Rousseau, and Buber agree with Edgar
Friedenberg about sehools today? What would they ad-
vise?
Readings:
Plato, Laws, Book I, p. 66-67, Loeb Classical Library Edition.
Rousseau, Emile, Book IV, pp. 172-185, Everyman Library Edition.
Martin Buber, "On Edueation," from Between Man and Man, Maemillan,
104-117
Edgar Z. Friedenberg, "The Gifted Student and His Enemies," The
Dignity of Youth and Other Atavisms, Random House, pp. 121-135.
SESSION Vl: CIVIC IDEALS AND RELIGION
America's civic ideals have been influenced strongly by its
religious heritage. Contrary to the thesis that a "Protestant
Ethic" became indistinguishable from rugged individualism and
capitalism, religious conviction served to restrain many citizens
from pursuing power and profits at any price during periods of our
history. Many movements for ehange, moreover, have been organized
by people aeting to fulfill their fundamental religious beliefs.
We think of Elizabeth Cady Stanton's eall to the suffragettes,
or William Jennings Bryan's speeches to the Democratic Party, or
the Rev. Martin Luther Kings's orations in the 1950's and 60's.
What role does religious idealism play in American society? How
important is it today? This session examines the general
propositions and the specific role of the church and synagogue in
relating religious to civic ideals.
Questions for Discussion:
1. Abraham Hesehel emphasizes reverence, awe, and mystery in
inculcating a sense of justice in citizens. He argues that an
appreeiation of God depends on these attitudes and this
appreciation is essential in inculcating an ethical system
eonsistent with God's teachings. Do you agree?
2. Do churches and synagogues today contribute to a reverence for
God? For Justice? For "self-interest, rightly understood," as De
Tocqueville describes it? Have churches and synagogues been able
to show the relevance of their traditions to contemporary
problems? If not, what should they do to revitalize themselves?
3. What is the conception of justice developed in the Model of
Christian Charity? Does it correspond to the conception of justice
that has emerged in contemporary America? Does it correspond to
the conception of civic equality outlined in Chesterton's What I
Saw in America? Do you agree with it?
4. What might substitute for God in developing a sense of
justice in citizens? Can anything? Can civie idealism survive
without a direct linkage to religious idealism?
Readings:
Abraham Heschel, "Religion in a Free Society," in The Insecurity
of Freedom, Schocken Books, pp. 3-23.
Alexis De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Vintage Edition,
Volume II, Part I, Chaps. 5-6; Part II, Chaps. 8-9.
John Winthrop, "A Model of Christian Charity," The American
Puritans: Their Prose and Poetry, Doubleday Anchor Books, p. 78.
G. K. Chesterton, "The Eternal Revolution," Orthodoxy, pp.
214-229.
FOR ADDITIONAL READING
"The Case for Patriotism", by John Schaar, New American
Review #17, Bantam Press
Professor Schaar argues that patriotism is essential both to
human fulfillment and to a coherent pattern of social
change. He distinguishes between patriotism and national-
ism, arguing that the former shapes higher morality, the
latter merely a quest for power. He analyzes the patriot-
ism of place felt by citizens for their birthplaces; the pa-
triotism of the city exemplified in Pericles' Funeral Oration; and
covenanted patriotism, that defines loyalty to a country in terms
of the principles for which it stands. Covenanted patriotism,
Schaar concludes, ought to be the guiing principle of patriotism
in the United States.
What I Saw in America by G. K. Chesterton
Available only in libraries, this short book by Chesterton
contains as succinct a statement of civic idealism in America as
any that exists. Read particularly the chapter "What is America"?
where Chesterton demonstrates that we need not expect everyone to
become identical to believe in human equality.
Politics and Vision, by Sheldon Wolin, Little Brown
Professor Wolin analyzes the tradition of Western political
philosophy from Plato through the 19th Century. His thesis is that
we have replaced the classical conception of politics as the
highest expression of human idealism with a notion of
technological society in which the main social questions relate to
organization and manipulation of masses of people. Politics and
Vision is considered a classic in modern political thought, albeit
a controversial one.
The Idea of Fraternity in America, Wilson C. McWilliams,
University of California Press
Winner of the National Historical Society's Prize for the
"Best Work by a New Writer" in 1973, Professor McWilliams examines
the evolution of the fraternal tradition throughout American
history. In the process, he gives us brilliant analysis of the
Puritans, the American Enlightenment, the Jeffersonians, the
Gilded Age, Modernity, and a number of important American writers.
It is, by far, the most penetrating examination of American ideas
of at least the past 50 years.
McCarthy and the Intellectuals, Michael Rogin, MIT Press
A devastating critique of how liberal historians and sociolo-
gists misinterpreted the American democratic
tradition-specifically the Populists-in the early 1950's. The book
contains a succinct analysis of the ethic of production and
its defenders.
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